creole and pidgin

THE HISTORY OF PIDGINS AND CREOLE

Pidgins and creole are new language varieties, which developed out of contacts between colonial nonstandard varieties of a European language and several non-European languages around the Atlantic and in the Indian and Pacific Oceans during the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries. Pidgins typically emerged in trade colonies which developed around trade forts or along trade routes, such as on the coast of West Africa. They are reduced in structures and specialized in functions (typically trade), and initially they served as non-native lingua francas to users who preserved their native vernaculars for their day-to-day interactions. Some pidgins have expanded into regular vernaculars, especially in urban settings, and are called `expanded pidgins.' Examples include Bislama and Tok Pisin (in Melanesia) and Nigerian and Cameroon Pidgin English. Structurally, they are as complex as Creoles.

The terms Creole and pidgin have also been extended to some other varieties that developed during the same period out of contacts among primarily non- European languages. Examples include Delaware Pidgin, Chinook Jargon, and Mobilian in North America; Sango, (Kikongo-)Kituba, and Lingala in Central Africa, Kinubi in Southern Sudan and in Uganda; and Hiri Motu in Papua New Guinea (Holm 1989, Smith 1995)

Mufwene (2001) emphasizes that Creoles and pidgins developed in separate places, in which Europeans and non-Europeans interacted differently –sporadically in trade colonies (which produced pidgins) but regularly in the initial stages of settlement colonies (where Creoles developed).

The term `Creole' was originally coined in Iberian colonies, apparently in the sixteenth century, in reference to non indigenous people born in the American colonies. It was adopted in metropolitan Spanish, then in French and later in English by the early seventeenth century. By the second half of the same century, it was generalized to descendants of Africans or Europeans born in Romance colonies. Usage varied from one colony to another. The term was also used as an adjective to characterize plants, animals, and customs typical of the same colonies.

Creole may not have applied widely to language varieties until the late eighteenth century. Such usage may have been initiated by metropolitan Europeans to disfranchise particular colonial varieties of their languages. It is not clear how the term became associated only with vernaculars spoken primarily by descendants of non-Europeans. Nonetheless, several speakers of Creoles (or pidgins) actually believe they speak dialects of their lexifiers.

Among the earliest claims that Creoles developed from pidgins is the following statement in Bloomfield (1933, p. 474): `when the jargon [i.e., pidgin] has become the only language of the subject group, it is a creolized language.' Hall (1962) reinterpreted this, associating the vernacular function of Creoles with nativization. Thus, Creoles have been defined inaccurately as `nativized pidgins,' i.e., pidgins that have acquired native speakers and have therefore expanded both their structures and functions and have stabilized. Hall then also introduced the pidgin-Creole `life-cycle' to which DeCamp (1971) added a `post-Creole' stage.

The first creolist to dispute this connection was Alleyne (1971). He argued that fossilized inflectional morphology in Haitian Creole (HC) and the like is evidence that Europeans did not communicate with the Africans in foreigner or baby talk, which would have fostered pidgins on the plantations.

It has also been claimed that Creoles have more or less the same structural design (Bickerton, 1984). This position is as disputable as the counterclaim that they are more similar in the socio historical ecologies of their developments, or even the more recent claim that there are Creole prototypes from which others deviate in various ways (McWhorter 1998). The very fact of resorting to a handful of prototypes for the general Creole structural category suggests that the vast majority of them do not share the putative set of defining features, hence that the features cannot be used to single them out as a unique type of language. On the other hand, variation in the structural features of Creoles (lexified by the same language) is correlated with variation in the linguistic and sociohistorical ecologies of their developments (Mufwene 2001). The notion of `ecology' includes, among other things, the nature of the lexifier, structural features of the substrate languages, changes in the ethnolinguistic makeup of the populations that came in contact, the kinds of interactions between speakers of the lexifier and those of other languages, and rates and modes of population growth.

To date the best known Creoles have been lexified by English and French. Those of the Atlantic and Indian Ocean are, along with Hawaiian Creole, those that have informed most theorizing on the development of Creoles. While the terms `Creole' and `creolization' have often been applied uncritically to various contact-induced language varieties, several distinctions, which are not clearly articulated have also been proposed, for instance, between pidgin, Creole, koine! , semi-Creole, intertwined varieties, foreign workers' varieties of European languages (e.g., Gastarbeiter Deutsch), and `indigenized varieties' of European languages (e.g., Nigerian and Singaporean English). The denotations and importance of these terms deserve re-examining.  THE DEFENITION OF PIDGINS AND CREOLE

Most studies of pidgins and Creoles (PC) have focused on their origins, despite an undeniable increase during the 1990s in the number of works on structural features

 Pidgins

 A Pidgin, or contact language, is the name given to any language created, usually spontaneously, out of a mixture of other languages as a means of communication between speakers of different tongues. Pidgins have rudimentary grammars and restricted vocabulary, serving as auxiliary contact languages. They are improvised rather than learned natively.

Pidgin language (origin in Engl. word `business'?) is nobody's native language; may arise when two speakers of different languages with no common language try to have a makeshift conversation. Lexicon usually comes from one language, structure often from the other. Because of colonialism, slavery etc. the prestige of Pidgin languages is very low. Many pidgins are `contact vernaculars', may only exist for one speech event.

A pidgin is “ a language with a reduced range of structure and use, with NO native speakers.” It grows up among people who do not share a common language but who want to communicate with each other.

(Source: The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language).

A pidgin, or contact language, is the name given to any language created, usually spontaneously, out of a mixture of other languages as a means of communication between speakers of different tongues. Pidgins have simple grammars and few synonyms, serving as auxiliary contact languages. They are learned as second languages rather than natively.

Some pidgins have expanded into regular vernaculars, especially in urban settings, and are called `expanded pidgins.' Examples include Bislama and Tok Pisin (in Melanesia) and Nigerian and Cameroon Pidgin English. 

 Creole

Creole (orig. person of European descent born and raised in a tropical colony) is a language that was originally a pidgin but has become nativized, i.e. a community of speakers claims it as their first language. Next used to designate the language(s) of people of Caribbean and African descent in colonial and ex-colonial countries (Jamaica, Haiti, Mauritius, Réunion, Hawaii, Pitcairn, etc.)

A creole is “a pidgin which has become the mother tongue of a community,” and therefore has native speakers (Source: The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language).

            A creole language, or just creole, is a well-defined and stable language that originated from a non-trivial combination of two or more languages, typically with many distinctive features that are not inherited from either parent. All creole languages evolved from pidgins, usually those that have become the native language of a community. The most kinds of pidgin but now be a creol as like Melanesia pidgin (Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea. Another example from this is Bislama pidgins in Vanuatu.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF PIDGIN AND CREOLE

 The Development Of Pidgin

A Pidgin, or contact language, is the name given to any language created, usually spontaneously, out of a mixture of other languages as a means of communication between speakers of different tongues. Pidgins have rudimentary grammars and restricted vocabulary, serving as auxiliary contact languages. They are improvised rather than learned natively.

As they develop, they can replace the existing mix of languages to become the native language of the current community (such as Krio in Sierra Leone and Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea). This stage requires the pidgin to be learned natively by children, who then generalize the features of the pidgin into a fully-formed, stabilized grammar (see Nicaraguan Sign Language). When a pidgin reaches this point it acquires the full complexity of a natural language, and becomes a creole language. However, pidgins do not always become creoles - they can die out or become obsolete.

The concept originated in Europe among the merchants and traders in the Mediterranean in the Middle Ages, who used Lingua Franca or Sabir. Another well-known pidgin is the Beach-la-Mar of the South Seas, based on English but incorporating Malay, Chinese, and Portuguese words. Bislama, as it is now called in Vanuatu, is fairly mutually intelligible with Tok Pisin.

Caribbean pidgin is the result of colonialism. As tropical islands were colonised their society was restructured, with a ruling minority of some European nation and a large mass of non-European laborers. The laborers, both natives and slaves, would often come from many different language groups and would need to communicate. This led to the development of pidgins.

The word is derived from the Chinese pronunciation of the English word business. Pidgin English was the name given to a Chinese-English-Portuguese pidgin used for commerce in Canton during the 18th and 19th centuries. Some scholars dispute this derivation of the word "pidgin", and suggest alternative etymologies, but no alternative has been deemed convincing enough to garner widespread support. In Canton, this contact language was called Canton English.

   The Development Of Creole

In linguistic, creole is pidgin which from time to time and from one generation to the next generation that continues to develop into a variety of languages​​. By the time adults use pidgin as an intermediate language, a group of children or grandchildren they acquire and use the language as a first language (mother language).

For children or grandchildren, no longer called Pidgin, but creole.
Creole is also often referred to as the language Pijin that has native speakers. In the language of the user community Pidgin shift or different naming of the language used. Pijin for the older generation, and Creole to the younger generation.

At the level of creole, grammar and vocabulary begin to intricate and complex. Creole is a language extension Pidgin, both grammatical complexity and vocabulary. Expansion of Pidgin be equated with creole languages ​​in other countries that have it.

There are hundreds of different creole languages ​​in the world. Example is the creole language Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea, Papiamentu in Arubia, South Venezuela, Curacao and Bonaire Leeward islands of the Netherlands Antilles (influenced by Portuguese, English and Spanish). Haitian Creole in the Caribbean, the western part of the island of Hispaniola (having six million speakers). The speakers can be found throughout the Caribbean and North American comunity, and creole from Dominica (influenced by Spanish, French and English).

 THE PROCESS OF DEVELOPMENT FROM PIDGIN TO CREOL

In general, overall language can be changed. Sometimes the language changes occur in a short time as a result of contact between two languages ​​used by people with backgrounds different languages. In such circumstances may arise that name pidgin. Pidgin usually have a very simple grammar with a vocabulary of different languages ​​so that mixing the two elements of the language led to a mixture of languages.

A pidgin has no native speakers (native speakers). If you have a native speaker's language is called a creole language. So, creole is a pidgin development that has had a parent language (mother tongue). Some languages ​​are considered creole language in Indonesia, among others, is the Malay language and Betawi Malay Ambon. So, creole is the result of language contact as well which is the development of a pidgin.

Pidgin creole arises when a mother tongue in a particular community. The structure is still describe the structure of pidgin, creole but called for being their mother tongue. Pidgin can be a creole when the foreign speakers and used by his descendants were then frozen as their first language. It just said creole pidgin language if this has been going on for generations.

Creoles have more speakers than pidgin. Because creoles evolved through his children and grandchildren, and only a pidgin language of the original. When someone mentions a creole language, then the language should have first been proven historically about its origins. Because in determining whether or not a creole, a language historically has a very important role and have a very close relationship.
Creolization is a linguistic development that occurs because the two languages ​​in contact for a long time which is pidgin speakers had breed. And so on if creole able to survive and continue berkembanga it would creole language bias to larger and more complete example is the language of Sierra Leone in West Africa which later became the national language.

Creole language developed from pidgin language. First of all, a language is used as a first language in an area, then the youth, especially the merchants, activities interaction by trade.

From various origins traders, when they interact with other countries that are much different languages ​​have either structural or functional, so they created a new language with quotes, and to paraphrase of their own languages ​​understood by all traders concerned that they are able to interact well. First language in an area that depends on whether the area is the result of colony, who occupier, and the influence of what is left.